Consumption comes in multiple forms that are strikingly different from the standard, rational, practice of accommodating one’s economic interest. All too often, consumers may avoid calculating their income and expenses, and may act in ways that are inconsistent and detrimental to their interests, both in the long and even short term. These non-standard forms of consumption are often associated with excessive buying, unnecessary even in the purchaser’s view, or beyond their financial means, when the money could have been spent more sparingly or for quite different purposes. This consumption is about non-economic objectives, and is a complex combination of psychological, economic and social factors.
Non-standard forms of consumption do not dominate consumer behaviour: people do not make these purchases every day; they remain a kind of ‘niche’ practices or isolated occurrences. Nevertheless, they can give a distinctive flavour to a consumption style.
Basic types of non-standard consumption
We find that non-standard consumption comes in five basic forms.
- Panic buying (rush demand) occurs when people buy up goods in advance for fear of them disappearing shortly or sharply rising in price, influenced by rumours about upcoming shortages or sales announcements.
- Impulse buying suggests consumers buying what they liked at the moment, spontaneously and contrary to plans, rather than what they need. This behaviour is driven by short-term but strong and emotionally intense desires.
- Compulsive buying occurs when shoppers need to cope with psychological stress or other negative emotions and feelings, increasingly rampant in today’s world. This produces a form of addiction – shopaholism.
- Status consumption is all about making an impression. People buy expensive or exclusive things to demonstrate their financial capabilities, uphold and boost their status in the eyes of others, and earn their respect.
- Ethical consumerism is the practice of purchasing goods based on moral considerations such as concern for the environment and future generations, rather than just personal benefit and their own needs. Buyers want producers to avoid environmental damage, violation of labour rights, the use of child labour, and animal abuse.
This is not an exhaustive list of non-standard forms of consumption. This list could include nostalgic consumption (buyers’ love for Soviet brands is a prominent example) or collecting rare and vintage articles. However, we shall focus on the five forms above, for which we have quantitative data.
Extent of non-standard consumption
To find out how common the practice of non-standard consumption is in Russia today, which population groups are commonly prone to it, and its financial and psychological implications, we drew on data from a nationwide survey of 6,000 Russians aged 18 and older, conducted by HSE in 52 Russian regions in 2024. This survey was more than a mere online poll of urban internet users: it aimed to cover the entire population, including rural residents, by conducting individual interviews at respondents’ places of residence. Surveys of this type are more complex, but yield better and more representative data.
The questions were centred on consumer practices over the three months preceding the survey. The following shares of respondents were found to have been involved in:
- impulse buying – 29.9%;
- compulsive buying – 28.4%;
- panic buying – 7.7%;
- ethical consumerism – 7.6%;
- status consumption – 4.4%;
- at least one of the five – 48%.
All the five forms of non-standard consumption are intercorrelated, and overlap in composition, albeit slightly. Almost half of respondents confirm involvement in at least one of the five forms of non-standard consumption. Altogether, non-standard forms of consumption are currently far from uncommon. Importantly, this is not about the share of all purchases, but the proportion of customers who sometimes exhibit these forms of consumption.
Triggers and growth drivers
The survey showed that women are more prone than men to non-standard consumption, primarily impulse and compulsive buying, confirming the common view about the greater emotionality of women, including as buyers. Age also matters: the younger the respondent, the more likely they exhibit at least one of the five forms of non-standard consumption, primarily impulse, compulsive and status consumption.
In contrast, the level of a respondent’s education, whether secondary and higher, has no implications for the propensity for non-standard consumption: that is, more and less educated buyers are equally predisposed. A family with children under 18 is more inclined towards impulse buying: children’s wishes are more difficult to ignore, and children themselves cannot control them.
The level of financial wealth, measured by per capita income, has a positive impact on the spread of impulse, compulsive and status consumption, which cannot, after all, take place without financial resources in the first place. Also, the share of people indulging in non-standard consumption, panic buying excepted, directly depends on the family’s wealth, measured by how many durable goods it has. Clearly, those who have already made relatively big-ticket purchases have more spare money, and they can afford to succumb to emotions from time to time and behave in a non-standard way due to looser budget constraints and no need to save up for big-ticket purchases.
Overall, city dwellers are more inclined to non-standard forms of consumption than rural residents. The highest shares of affected consumers are found in medium-sized (with a population of 100,000–500,000) and large (500,000+) cities. This is largely true of impulse and compulsive consumption: cities offer many more consumer ‘temptations’ than there are in rural areas.
Significant effects are attributed to online shopping, particularly one-click buys, which drives up involvement in all forms of non-standard consumption, except ethical. Another factor is alcohol consumption. Alcohol eases self-control and provokes all three forms of emotionally loaded consumption: panic, impulse and compulsive buying.
We assumed that non-standard consumption may be more typical of those who watch or listen to political and economic news, which affects emotional state. This assumption was confirmed in a number of important cases: the media contributes to the emergence of emotionally loaded consumption (panic, impulse and compulsive buying), since it is about more than just news reports: it creates a kind of emotional build-up. This is particularly true of those consuming news online through social networks and messengers. Virtually all forms of non-standard consumption are even more strongly associated with so-called doomscrolling (obsessive absorption of news, mostly negative).
Finally, non-standard consumption is more typical of those who are under stress and are showing signs of psychological distress (depression, anxiety, loneliness). This is true of all the forms, with the exception of status consumption. Apparently, consumers resort to shopping to escape negative emotional states.
Financial implications for consumers
To a certain extent, any form of non-standard consumption leaves an individual or household with extra financial costs and often unjustified expenses, as they may involve excessive purchases, and excessive even from the consumer’s own (subjective) point of view.
The data confirm that all five types of non-standard consumption increase the probability of debt by roughly 1.5–1.7 times. This debt may be made up of both bank loans and private debts. The probability of an increase in current financial debts is 1.8–2.1 times higher, and overdue debts are 2.2–2.8 times higher. The latter would be a clear sign of emerging financial distress.
Certainly, there are some exceptions. For example, consumers focused on status are less likely to incur non-bank debt compared to regular buyers. Alongside impulse consumers, they are less tolerant of growing financial debts compared to other consumers. Yet, it is well known that exceptions only confirm the rule: tangible financial burden is a possible result of non-standard consumption.
Is non-standard consumption satisfying?
It would seem that non-standard consumption should lead to greater satisfaction – if not with life as a whole, then at least with what consumption delivers. But this is not the case.
Non-standard consumers demonstrate less positive sentiment compared to others; they are not only less satisfied with life in general, but also with the opportunities their consumption affords.
The only exception is yet again status-oriented consumers, who feel more positive. However, their share is small. The questions about status consumption in the survey proved to be sensitive to respondents, that is, respondents sought to shy away from them (for fear of appearing vain or identifying themselves as poor). Also, consumers may fail to realise, or even deny, the fact that they choose a status type of consumption, as they believe they buy things due to quality, rather than status.
Of the respondents prone to non-standard forms of consumption, many feel worried about their lack of spare time, and are not enough satisfied with how it is distributed. Many are even willing to reduce their income somewhat to have more spare time. However, this is a subject for separate research.
Non-standard, but sustainable
While non-standard consumption forms are not dominant in consumer behaviour, they are quite common. As noted above, almost half of respondents are involved in at least one type of them. First of all, this concerns emotionally loaded forms of impulse and compulsive consumption. The reasons for involvement in non-standard consumption include, beyond emotional states, psychological stress and a temporary loss of self-control, status and moral considerations of all kinds.
All the cases we considered deal with quite normal consumer practices. Indeed, they deviate in different directions from standard lines of behaviour, but there is nothing strange, let alone wrong, in them. Many non-standard purchases are made occasionally rather than on a daily basis. Still, they may have an impact on all consumer activity, causing tangible financial consequences.
It is fair to assume that non-standard forms of consumption are likely to expand and become increasingly diverse. Recurrent external shocks, flows of negative news, increasingly routine depression and psychological stress inevitably affect people and call for a solution. And for many, consumerism appears to be an appropriate solution. What is more, today’s consumer is enjoying more and more new opportunities: more convenient interaction formats and sales channels that spur consumption of goods and services and enable one-click buying. Social media push users towards more and more buying by encouraging perfectionism and constant comparisons with appealing (even if often unattainable) standards of consumption.
Yet, consumption, including its non-standard forms, is unable to solve the root causes of psychological and social problems that buyers are seeking to overcome, and only helps ‘dull the symptoms’ or provides a temporary distraction. As long as the root causes of problems remain unsolved, people tend to repeat the same consumer practices, which only entrenches them further. This is how a vicious circle emerges with new forms of consumer addiction.
